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begin by noting that the Grammars, as a rule, define 
caesura in a way which, while accurate enough, mis- 
leads. According to them, we have caesura whenever a 
word ends within a foot. It follows that we may have 
numerous caesuras — five or six — in a single verse. It 
would be better to think of caesura in one way only — as 
a pause conditioned either by the necessity of taking 
breath within the verse, or by a pause in the sense, or 
by both factors at once. In this sense, we have in 
many verses two caesuras; in some, even three. Next, 
many find trouble in the fact that, if they fix on a certain 
point in the verse as the proper place for the caesura, 
words which belong closely together in logic and syntax 
stand on opposite sides of the caesura. I found no light 
anywhere on this point until I read Evangeline through, 
several times, from end to end, aloud. I noted pres- 
ently that in verse after verse I had, of necessity, from 
limitations of breath, or from the effort to give the 
sense, or from both causes together, made a caesural 
pause at points so set in the verse that words which 
belonged closely together in logic and syntax were on 
opposite sides of the caesura. I concluded that, since 
this was giving me no trouble in English, my vernacular, 
it would give no trouble to a Roman, who understood 
Latin as his vernacular : my task, then, was merely to 
come to know Latin better. 

In the early part of this editorial I spoke of the extent 
to which the language of the poets is affected and 
determined by purely metrical considerations. These 
matters ought, it seems to me, to be brought to the 
attention of the secondary student of Vergil. It is a 
task easy of accomplishment if the pupil has received 
any sort of adequate training in the hexameter; if the 
teacher discharges this task well, he will inevitably 
deepen the respect and admiration of his pupils for 
Vergil, by giving them some conception of the difficulties 
which in matters of form Vergil met and overcame. 
Further, a teacher might compare, for his own good as 
well as his pupils', some of the best as well as some of the 
worst verses in Ennius with good in the Aeneid, and 
thereby make even the dullest of his pupils realize the 
gap between the hexameters that mark the beginnings 
and those that mark the culmination of that type of 
poetic form among the Romans. He might compare 
verses of Catullus and Lucretius, too, with verses of 
Vergil, to show what advances Vergil made over his 
immediate predecessors; and lastly, by setting Vergil's 
verses side by side with those of Lucan, Ovid, or even 
Juvenal, he might show how incapable any one else was, 
even with Vergil before him as a model, to duplicate 
Vergil's achievement. All this is in reality compara- 
tively simple work, not involving understanding of the 
subject-matter of the works referred to, and likely to 
stimulate understanding and appreciation of metrical 
form. If the teacher has no time to do this with his 
pupils he should do it for himself. This study of the 
metrical form of the Aeneid will lead him to juster 
apprehension and appreciation of the Aeneid itself. It 
is true that Vergil loved, for their own sake, intricate 

and unusual turns of expression; but it is also true that 
much that strikes one, at least at first, as disagreeable 
in the language of Vergil was forced upon him by condi- 
tions which, with all his marvelous skill, he was not able 
to overcome entirely. To realize, first, how ill-adapted 
the Latin language was, naturally, to the hexameter, 
to gain some conception of the history of this form of 
verse among the Romans, to appreciate, even if but 
faintly, how much Vergil achieved in his hexameters, 
must waken admiration for Vergil's powers as a poet. 
C. K. 


Almost at the very beginning of Greek litera- 
ture stands the line, n-oXXflp 5' ivSpiiwwv tSer Atrrea., 
'he saw the cities of many men', and after this line 
comes the account of the travels of Odysseus to these 
same cities, our first itinerary. From the days of 
Homer there were Greek descriptions of travels, some- 
times merely incidental to the author's theme, some- 
times the most important part of his task. Pausanias, 
the industrious sightseer, who has been called an 
ancient Baedeker, is only the best-known of a long 
series of travellers who told of their journeys in Greece 
and of the marvels they had seen. The Anabasis of 
Xenophon and the Anabasis of Arrian give us full 
descriptions of travels in Asia. For Africa we have the 
Greek epitome of the story of the voyage of the Cartha- 
ginian Hanno, who in the fifth century B.C. founded a 
string of colonies along the west coast of the dark 
continent. There are a number of descriptions of the 
Red Sea and of the Indian Ocean, some depending on 
autopsy, others on hearsay and the writer's imagination. 
The cities a traveller would see along the coasts of the 
Mediterranean and of the Black Sea have been described 
several times. In fact, accounts of travels were so 
abundant that people finally began to parody them. 
Lucian's True History is a delightful take-off of some of 
the more fanciful travellers' tales. It leads us a journey 
of eighty days west of the Pillars of Hercules, to the 
moon, to the sun, to the Islands of the Blest, etc. 

But it is not my intention to discuss all the writers of 
travels, Greek or Roman, or to give an outline of the 
history of travel or a summary of ancient geography. 
I would, however, like to call your attention to some 
late Latin documents which are called Itineraria, 
Itineraries, and to a few others very closely related to 
them, even though they do not actually bear the name 

On the Lago di Bracciano, about twenty-five miles 
north of Rome, are some hot sulphur springs which 
anciently were known as Aquae Apollinares. In 1852 
their modern owners, the monks of a Jesuit monastery, 
noticed that the masonry about the mouth of the spring 
needed repairing. So they sent for a corps of Roman 
artisans and ordered them to remove the stonework, 
which had been placed there perhaps as early as the 
Etruscan period. Only a few feet below the normal 
level of the water the workmen came upon a layer of 


bronze and silver coins of the fourth century A.D. 
Beneath this was a stratum of gold and silver pieces of 
the early Empire. Then came silver family and 
consular money of the Republic. Under this were 
found bronze sextants, quadrants, trients, etc., of the 
most ancient period. The workmen divided among 
themselves the gold and the silver and made away with 
it. When everything of value, as they thought, had 
been abstracted, they called the owners of the spring. 

The bronze pieces which were then gathered by the 
monks made the find the largest single discovery of 
coins of this sort. More than four thousand coins of 
Republican times were found, among them pieces from 
Rome, Naples, Metapontum, Syracuse, and other 
cities; besides these, one thousand four hundred speci- 
mens of aes grave signatum, and more than half a ton 
of aes rude. Underneath all this a thick layer of 
neolithic remains, arrowheads, knives of polished stone, 
etc., came to light. The whole find is now one of the 
treasures of the Museo Kircheriano in Rome. Its value 
is probably very much greater than that of the gold 
and the silver coins secreted by the original finders. 

The workmen had come upon a collection which 
represented an accumulation of votive offerings. From 
time immemorial these hot springs must have been 
frequented. The visitor who was cured . or at least 
aided by the use of the waters would on his departure 
throw a small offering into the spring in order to show 
his gratitude to the nymphs and to Apollo. In this way 
a treasure was gradually accumulated. 

Now, besides the coins a few other objects of value 
were recovered in the water, among them four silver 
cups of cylindrical shape, 9-15 cm. high and 6-7 cm. in 
diameter. On the outside of these there is engraved a 
list of cities and stations and the distances between 
them, the whole giving us the complete route from 
Gades (Cadiz) in Spain to Rome. Some silversmith in 
Gades had very conveniently inscribed the cup which 
the traveller was to use on his journey with the route 
over which he was to pass. 

Each of the four lists has a heading saying that this is 
the itinerary from Gades to Rome. Then follow the 
names of the cities in four columns, each of 25-26 
lines, thus: 

AD PORTUM XXIII (=the number of miles), 
XX, etc. 

The route given on these cups leads from Gades north 
along the Via Julia up the valley of the Baetis (Guadal- 
quiver) until it strikes the seacoast near Saguntum, 
then follows Hannibal's line of march along the coast 
of Spain and southern France, turns up the Rhone for a 
short distance, crosses the Cottian Alps to Turin, goes 
along the southern side of the Po valley, down the 
eastern shore of Italy to Ariminum, then across the 
Apennines to Rome. The distance is summed up at 
the end of the itinerary; it amounts to the respectable 
sum of 1840 miles. 

There are a few variations in the routes on the differ- 
ent cups, both as to the towns given and as to the dis- 
tances between them. The goblets were probably not 
all made at the same time, and the differences perhaps 
represent minor changes in the route. Some of them 
are self-explanatory. For instance, a long stage might 
be broken up and a new station added. Or in the 
mountainous regions there might be an alteration of the 
road caused by the desire for an easier grade. Smaller 
discrepancies in the numbers, 16 for 15 miles, etc., prob- 
ably represent mere differences in the estimates of the 

Some other variations may be noted. The first cup 
bears this heading: ITINERARIUM A GADES 1 
ROMAM. The second reads: AB* GADES USQUE 

Similar differences are to be seen in the list themselves. 
The first cup has most of the names in the. accusative, 
the correct case; the others have an occasional accusa- 
tive, but the ablative is more frequent. Thus, HAS- 
ORIPPO. Now and then there is a locative form too; 
e. g. CORDUBAM becomes CORDUBA, then COR- 
DUBAE. Other mistakes are plentiful; REGIUM 
LEPIDI, for example, appears as LEPIDUM REGIUM, 
and e are often confused. 

This variation in the use of the cases, the uncertainty 
of the writers about prepositions, the bad spelling, and 
so forth, prove that these lists must have been made in 
fairly late times, when the Latin system of case-con- 
structions was breaking down, when people no longer 
had a feeling for the meaning of the inflections, and when 
the pronunciation had changed considerably from the 
standards of Cicero's time. Some details in the course 
of the roads help us to fix the date of the cups with 
greater precision; it is the third century of our era. 

A bronze cup of the same sort was found in Britain; 
it gives the names of five cities along Hadrian's wall. 

Very similar to the itineraries engraved on these 
goblets are some that have been preserved in manu- 
script. The best-known and most complete of this 
series is the Itinerarium Provinciarum Antonini 
Augusti, going back, as the name indicates, to one of the 
Antonines. Instead of giving merely the route be- 
tween two points in the Roman Empire, it contains 
lists of almost all the Roman roads and the stations on 
them, in Africa, Sardinia, Sicily, Gaul, Spain, Britain, 
the Balkan Peninsula, and a large part of Italy; besides 
this, an itinerary from Rome through Pannonia, 
Moesia, Thrace, Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt to the 
southernmost boundary of the Roman Empire, 

A work of a similar character is the Itinerarium 

Maritumum, which does for the shores and the islands 

l Note the accusative with a. So, in the heading of the third cup. 
In the heading of the fourth cup we have a Cadibus. 
3 .4 Gades was not bad enough! 
'Note usque with the ablative. 



of the Mediterranean what the others do for the 

An entirely different impression is obtained from the 
so-called Tabula Peutingeriana, a copy of an original 
of about 250 A.D. It is a map, if we can call it by so 
dignified a name, which represents the Roman Empire. 
But this map is about twenty feet long and one foot 
wide. We can readily imagine what happens to the 
countries under these conditions. Italy runs east and 
west. The Nile flows east, except for the Delta, and 
its source is very near Crete, much nearer than the Delta 
is. The island of Cyprus lies in a long, narrow bay, just 
east of Sidon and Tyre; the long and narrow bay is the 
eastern end of the Mediterranean, but it is no more 
elongated than any other part of the inland sea. 

Curious, too, is the method of representation. The 
cities are indicated by two little houses with red roofs 
and doors; smaller fortresses by two towers, larger 
fortresses by a ring of towers; Rome, Constantinople, 
and Antioch by seated female figures; bathing-places 
and hot springs by a tank in the center of a large house. 
Now and then there appears a building of some other 
shape, with a legend attached, e. g. Hoc est templum 
Asclepii. The mountains are curiously flat. They are 
depicted by a straight line below and a scalloped line 
above; the intervening space is filled with yellow or 
black. The roads, drawn in red, are very prominent. 

Now, in spite of the grotesque shape of the countries 
pictured, this map does give us a fairly accurate scheme 
of the Roman roads. For after all the roads are the 
important thing for the writer or painter of this descrip- 
tion. The mountains, rivers, and other natural features 
which are introduced play no great r&le. The Tabula 
Peutingeriana is a true itinerary, an Itinerarium 

Somewhat closer to the itineraries of the cups is the 
so-called Itinerarium Burdigalense. It gives the route 
from Burdigala (Bordeaux) in southwestern France to 
Jerusalem. This runs via Aries, Turin, Milan, Aquileia 
through modem Servia and Bulgaria to Constantinople, 
then through Asia Minor to Antioch and Jerusalem. 
The return journey is made through Macedonia, across 
the Adriatic, to Beneventum, to Rome, then to Milan, 
where it joins the original route. 

Now in this itinerary short notices are occasionally 
found, such as inde incipiunt Alpes Cottiae, or transis 
pontem, intras Pannoniam inf eriorem, or ci vitas Vimina- 
tio mil. X: ubi Diocletianus occidit Carinum, or 
mansio Libissa mil. VIII. : ibi positus est rex Annibali- 
anus (Hannibal is meant !) qui fuit Afrorum. 

However, when we come to Palestine, the account 
grows much fuller. We have here a description of the 
Holy Land five or six pages in length, which is very 
important because it is the first of a long series of 
descriptions of Palestine. It was written during the 
life-time of Constantine, only seven years after the 
famous pilgrimage of his mother, St. Helena. Many 
of the sites that are still shown to tourists are already 
pointed out in this itinerary: Golgatha and the Holy 

Sepulcher, the tombs of the prophets, the place where 
the Jews weep, the cave in which Christ was born, the 
fountain at which Philip baptized the eunuch, etc. 
Among the more apocryphal might be mentioned the 
tree on which Zacchaeus climbed to see the Lord, and 
the cave where Solomon tortured the demons. Rather 
interesting is the writer's remark about the pool of 
Siloam : Haec ( !) fons sex diebus atque nocti'_>us currit, 
septima vero die est sabbatum; in totum nee nocte nee 
die currit. 

This Bordeaux Itinerary is, however, far surpassed by 
the Peregrinatio Aetheriae or Sanctae Silviae. This is 
the best known and most interesting of the many 
accounts of pilgrimages. Besides its very great value 
as an example of late Latin of the worst sort, its con- 
tents are most important for the student of Palestinian 
archaeology. It is very detailed; the bare lists of 
names have made way for a careful description of the 
places seen and of the actions of the visitors. The 
account unfortunately is fragmentary (the chief part, 
concerning the travels in Palestine, has been lost) ; still 
there remain about thirty pages of notes on Sinai, 
Egypt, and Mesopotamia, and twenty pages more 
describing minutely the order of service in the various 
Churches of Jerusalem and nearby places. 

The account is written for some women, who are 
addressed as dominae venerabiles sorores. Who they 
were is not known. The name of the author is probably 
Aetheria. Who she was is also unknown. She seems 
to have lived near the Rhone, in the fourth, fifth, or 
sixth century. The Roman Empire was still powerful, 
though attacked by enemies. We are told, for example, 
that, on the boundaries of Egypt, Aetheria and her 
companions were escorted by soldiers from one fortress 
to the next, on account of the danger of an attack by 
Saracens (Chapter 7.2). 

It has been suggested that the author was a woman 
of some ecclesiastical position, perhaps an abbess, 
because the monks of all the monasteries were very 
eager to receive the travellers, to show them the sights, 
to climb mountains with them, and to conduct them 
from one place to another. For instance, in her 
description of Mt. Sinai, Aetheria says (Chapter 7): 

See, the priest, who had charge of the church left his 
monastery and came to meet us . . . and the 
other priests too came to meet us, and also all the 
monks who dwelt near that mountain . . . and as 
we were leaving the church the priests of that place 
gave us gifts, that is of the apples which grow on that 

Still, it seems hardly necessary to make Aetheria an 
abbess on account of the cordiality of the monks, for is 
that not the same hearty reception that one gets even 
to-day in out-of-the-way monasteries in the Orient? 

A word about the things Aetheria and her party 
came to see. Their chief interest was of course religious ; 
they were pilgrims. On Sinai they visited the cave 
where Moses dwelt when he went to receive the law, 
the place where stood the camp of the Israelites, the 
rock against which Moses broke the tablets of the law, 



the spot where stood the golden calf, where it rained 
manna, where Deuteronomy was written, and, last but 
not least, they visited the monks and the holy men who 
dwelt nearby. 

Whenever the party came to an important site, they 
would have a religious service; they would sing a psalm 
and read the passage of Scripture in which this particu- 
lar place was mentioned. As an example the following 
instance will do (Chapter 4) : Towards evening they 
came to a pleasant garden before a little Church and in 
that garden saw the bush, the identical bush, in the 
flames of which the Lord had appeared to Moses. It 
was too late for the full service; so they offered prayers 
in the Church and in the garden at the bush and read 
the proper passage from the book of Moses, 'and so, 
because it was late' they 'took lunch before the bush, 
together with the holy men'. 

Only once in the Peregrinatio does there seem to be 
an appreciation of the beauty of nature (Chapter 3.8) : 

But from the top of that mountain <Sinai> those 
mountains which we had at first ascended only with 
great difficulty seemed in comparison with the central 
mountain on which we were standing to be as far below 
us as though they were little hills, while they were 
actually so huge that I did not believe ever to have seen 
higher ones except that this central one surpassed them 
exceedingly much. But Egypt and Palestine and the 
Red Sea and that Parthenian Sea, which leads to Alex- 
andria and the territory of the Saracens, we saw lying 
beneath us so infinite that it could scarcely be believed. 

In general, it might be added, this appreciation of 
natural beauty is rare in the pilgrimages. Petrus 
Diaconus, or rather one of his sources of very much 
earlier date, gives us almost the only other instance 
(edition of Geyer, page 1 1 1 ) : 

But from Mt. Hermon, which is very high, all 
Gallilee is seen .... nothing is more beautiful, 
for, since it is a large plain, there is nothing there but 
vineyards and olive orchards. 

Now and then Aetheria seems a bit dubious, or shall 
we say perplexed, at the things she is asked to believe. 
When she was in Egypt, following the headlong course 
of the Children of Israel fleeing before Pharaoh, a very 
great many places, it seems, were pointed out as having 
been on the route of the fleeing nation. She says 


And I wish your love to believe me, that, at least as 
much as I could see, the Children of Israel travelled in 
this way, that, just as far as they went to the right, so 
far they turned to the left, and, as far as they again 
advanced, so far they again turned back, and in this 
way they made that journey until they came to the 
Red Sea. 

At another time it seems she was somewhat disap- 
pointed. This was when she came to the spot where 
Lot's wife was turned to a pillar of salt (12.7) : 

But believe me, venerable mistresses, the pillar itself 
no longer appears, but the place only is shown; but the 
pillar itself is said to have been covered by the Dead Sea. 
Certainly when we saw the place we saw no pillar, 
and therefore I can not deceive you about this matter. 
For the bishop of this place, that is, of Segor, told us 
that it was already a number of years since that column 
no longer appeared. 

It is very interesting to note in this connection how 
legends grow and change. In one of the earliest 
accounts of this pillar, Carmen de Sodoma, occur the 
lines (123 ff.): 

For it still remains standing under the open sky, 
Not moved from its place by the rains, nor overthrown 

by the winds. 
Nay, even if some traveller mutilate its form, 
Straightway it grows and out of itself it fills the wound. 

Theodosius (ca. 530 A.D.) says (Chapter 20) : 

There is found the wife of Lot, who was made a 
statue of salt, and as the moon grows she grows too, and 
as the moon diminishes she diminishes too. 

Antoninus of Placentia (ca. 570 A.D.) says (15) : 
For the stories people tell about the wife of Lot, that 
she grows smaller by animals licking her are not true, 
but she stands in the same state in which she was. 

According to a still later account, that of the Russian, 
Daniel, A.D. 1106, Lot's wife had undergone a second 
transformation (56): 

One verst from Segor to the south on an elevation is 
found a pillar of rock which is the wife of Lot. 

Aetheria had probably heard similar fanciful tales 
of Lot's wife and thus was a bit disappointed when she 
did not see her at all. If you will pardon a digression, 
I would like to tell you about the disappointment of 
another pilgrim, though in an entirely different case. 
The story is related in the Itinerary of Antoninus 
(Chapter 34): 

The nuns told us about the virtues of Maria, who 
wandered in the desert< she was evidently a very great 
saint>, and for two days the man with whom I was 
wandered about seeking her; but whether he found her 
or whether he did not find her, he did not wish to tell us. 
Still the tunics and the dates and the ground peas, the 
gifts which he carried out with him, or the lupines, none 
of these he brought back with him. His affliction and 
lamentation we were in no wise able to relieve; he only 
kept on saying : 'Alas, unfortunate man that I am, why 
do I call myself a Christian?' 

We can only surmise what did happen or what did 
not happen to him. 

But let us go back to Aetheria. Our saint seems to 
have been free from the tourists' vice of souvenir 
hunting. Not so all of her contemporaries. Of course 
we must remember that with them it usually was more 
than mere souvenir hunting; it was obtaining a sacred 
relic. In Jerusalem, says Aetheria (37), the Holy Cross 
is shown at certain occasions. But, when it has been 
put out on a table, the bishop, seated, puts his hands on 
top of the sacred wood, and the deacons who stand 
round about, keep watch. 

But this is so guarded for the reason that the whole 
people coming one by one, believers and catechumens, 
bend down to the table and kiss the sacred wood and 
then pass on. And because at some time or other some 
one is said to have taken a bite, and stolen some of the 
sacred wood, for that reason it is now so guarded in this 
manner by the deacons who stand round about, that 
no one who comes dare again to do thus. 

In his account of Arculf's pilgrimage Adamnanus 

(ca. 670 A.D.) records the following tale (1.23-24): 

In the open center of a Church on tne Mount of 



Olives, which stood at the spot from which Christ's 
ascension is said to have taken place, the footprints of 
the Savior were shown. The workmen who once 
attempted to put a marble pavement over these sacred 
vestiges were peremptorily warned not to do so. In 
fact the warning was almost a bit too peremptory: 
the slabs flew up from the ground into their faces. 
Needless to say, the place was not covered over. 

And there is a lasting proof of the fact that this dust 
was trod by the Lord in that the imprinted footsteps 
appear, and, though the earth trod by the Lord is daily 
snatched away by the faithful, who gather in great 
crowds, still the soil suffers no loss, and the earth pre- 
serves its appearance, just as if it had been sealed by His 

The same Adamnanus (2.11), speaking of the oak at 
Mamre under which the angels appeared to Abraham, 

From this trunk, splintered and chopped by axes on 
all sides, parts of chips are taken to the different prov- 
inces for the sake of the veneration and remembrance 
of that oak. 

Petrus Diaconus (1137 A.D.), or rather his anony- 
mous source, tells this story (ed. Geyer, 113): 

the stone on which the Lord placed the bread at 
the miraculous feeding of the five thousand was made 
into an altar. From this stone those who come chip 
off small pieces which they think will restore the health 
of the ailing, and they do help all. 

An attempt to take home a souvenir of a somewhat 
different kind is told by Antoninus (34). In the desert 
east of the Jordan the pilgrims came to a convent of 
16 or 17 women, who kept a donkey to turn their mill. 
And they also possessed a tame lion, which had re- 
mained with them ever since it was a cub, huge and 
terrible to see. The roar of this lion caused a good deal 
of confusion among the pack animals of the travellers 
(unfortunately the very realistic Latin cannot be 
translated here). The nuns told the pilgrims that the 
lion guarded the donkey when he was in the pasture. 
The narrative continues thus: 

And that most Christian man with whom I was, 
through me, offered them 100 solidi <for the lion>, but 
they did not wish to accept them. 

Another tourist vice is mentioned by the same author 


Then after three miles we came to Cana, where the 
Lord was at the wedding feast, and we sat on the same 
dining couch, and there I, unworthy though I be, 
inscribed the names of my parents. 

But we must not linger too long over these tales of 
the pilgrims. It is of course impossible to do justice to 
all of the many accounts of ancient and medieval 
pilgrimages, nor can we speak of their successors in the 
Modern Languages. I should, however, like to refer 
to one more pilgrimage and to some of the documents 
relating to it. I mean that of St. Jerome, who went to 
the Holy Land in 385 A.D. and took up his permanent 
residence at Bethlehem. He was joined by Paula, a 
Roman matron of the highest nobility, and her daughter 
Eustochium. Now Jerome described his own journey 
only in short references in his Letters. But after the 

death of Paula he wrote a sketch of her life in which he 
pays a great deal of attention to her pilgrimage (Epp. 
108). Rather pathetic is what he says concerning 
Paula's departure from Italy: 

Already the sails were swelling and by the force of the 
oars the ship was being drawn out to the high seas. On 
the shore little Toxotius <her son> held out his hands 
in entreaty and Rufina, <her daughter of marriageable 
age>, implored her by her silent tears to wait for her 
marriage — still she turned her tearless eyes heaven- 
ward, overcoming her love for her children by her love 
for God. 

In Jerome's account we ought to note his childlike 
pleasure in his and Paula's knowledge of Hebrew (n): 

And departing from that place she came up to Hebron , 
that is Charioth-Arbe, that is the city of four men, 
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and great Adam . . . 
though many think Caleb the fourth .... She 
did not care to go to Cariath-Sepher, that is the city of 
letters, because despising the letter that killeth she had 
found the spirit that giveth life. 

But more interesting than Jerome's version is Paula's 
own letter to her friend Marcella (Jerome, Epp. 46). 
No matter how little one may value pilgrimages as an 
expression of religious feeling, one is forced to admit, 
after reading this letter, that in Paula's case the voyage 
was the outcome of a deep and sincere religious impulse. 
There are few other writings which permit us to see 
quite so plainly the emotional background of these 
journeys to the Holy Land. 

Permit me to quote parts of Paula's letter: 

To come to the humble home of Christ and the lodg- 
ing of Mary <Bethlehem> . . . with what words, 
with what voice can I describe for you the cave of the 
Saviour? And that manger, in which, a little child, He 
cried, must be honored by silence rather than by weak 
words. Where are the wide porticos? Where the 
gilded and panelled ceilings? Where the mansions 
ornamented by the sufferings of unfortunates and the 
labor of prisoners? Where the halls built by private 
means to be like a palace in order that the cheap body 
of man may wander about at greater expense, and, as 
though anything could be more beautiful than the 
world, that he may look at his roof rather than at the 
sky? See, in this small hole in the earth the Creator 
of the heavens was born, here wrapped in rags, here 
seen by shepherds, here worshipped by the wise men. 
.... Read the Apocalypse of John and consider 
what he says about the woman clad in scarlet and the 
blasphemy written on her forehead, the seven hills, the 
many waters, and the end of Babylon. <For Paula 
Babylon is Rome> . . . There is indeed at Babylon 
the Holy Church, there are the trophies of the apostles 
and the martyrs, there is the true confession of Christ 
and the faith preached by the Apostles, and the word of 
Christ putting heathendom under foot rises higher day 
by day. But the very ambition, the power, the size 
of the city, being seen and seeing, being visited and 
visiting, praising and detracting, listening or speaking, 
and enduring even against one's will so great a crowd of 
people — all these things are foreign to a monastic life 
and to quiet. For we either receive those who come to 
us and lose our quiet, or we do not receive them and are 
charged with haughtiness. And, now and then, to 
return the calls of those who have visited us, we go to 
the doors of the proud, and amid the slanderings of 
backbiting servants we enter the gilded doors. But in 
the humble home of Christ, as we have said before, 



everything is rustic, and, except for psalms, silence. 
Wherever you turn, the plowman, holding the handle of 
his plow, sings Hallelujah, the sweating harvester enter- 
tains himself with psalms, and the vinedresser, pruning 
the vine with curved knife, sings some song of David. 
These are the lays in this district, these the love-songs 
so-called, this the whistling of shepherds, these the arms 
of agriculture. . . . Oh, when will the time come 
when a breathless wayfarer brings the message that our 
Marcella has landed on the coast of Palestine, and all 
the crowds of monks and all the armies of maidens 
shout for joy? We are already longing to go and meet 
you and without waiting for a wagon to run swiftly on 
foot. We will hold your hands, we will see your face, 
and it will be difficult to take us from the longed-for 
embrace. And will that be the day when we are per- 
mitted to enter the cave of the Savior? To weep in 
the sepulcher of the Lord together with our mother and 
our sister? To kiss the wood of the cross and on Mt. 
Olivet to be exalted in will and mind with the ascending 
Lord? To see Lazarus come out bound with grave- 
clothes and to see the waters of Jordan running more 
pure for the baptism of the Lord? . . . Then, when, 
accompanied by Christ . . ., we have returned to 
our cave, we will sing jointly, we will weep frequently, 
we will pray unceasingly, and wounded by the spear of 
our Savior we will say in common, I have found Him 
and will not let Him go. 

Paula's letter, really a very touching arid very human 
bit of writing, must be the end of our Palestinian travels. 
Perhaps an apology is due for having given so much 
time to them; but after all they are by far the most 
important of the Itineraries. 

Rome and Italy have been rather unfortunate in not 
finding a herald to do for them what Pausanias did for 
Greece. The only account of a journey through Italy 
in antiquity is Horace's Journey to Brundisium 
(Sermones 1.5). Interesting as it is, it is very short, 
and does not supply a great wealth of information. 

Early in the fifth century Rutilius Namatianus 
travelled by sea along the coast from Rome to Pisa. 
He afterwards wrote a poem embodying his experiences 
and describing briefly the cities he passed. This poem 
is rather short also (it consists of only 600 lines). A 
small sample will suffice (223 ff .) : 

The Alsian land is passed and Pyrgi recedes, 

Now large villas, once small towns. 

Already the sailor points out the boundaries of Caere, 

Anciently called Agylla, but age has destroyed its name. 

Then we pass Castum, worn away by time and waves. 

A half -ruined gate is the memorial of the place. 

It is guarded by a divinity carved in a small stone, 

One who carries horns on a shepherd's head. 

Though long time has destroyed its name, 

Rumor has it that this was the Castrum of Inuus, 

Whether Inuus be Pan who has exchanged Maenala for 

the Tuscan forests, 
Or whether he be the native Faun who enters his ances- 
tral valleys. 

While speaking of these poetic Itineraries, we 
might also mention the idyll (10.10) in which Venantius 
Fortunatus in the sixth century tells of a voyage down 
the Moselle from Metz past Trier and Koblentz to 
Andernach on the Rhine. He seems to have been in 
the company of the Frankish king Childebert. The 
echoes of the music in the royal boat, the vineyards on 

the high cliffs, the salmon fishing in the river are very 
attractively described. It is interesting to compare 
this little poem with its better-known predecessor, the 
Mosella of Ausonius, which in its beginning at least is 
also an itinerary. 

But let us return to Italy. About 720 A.D. Willibald, 
a young English monk, who later became one of the 
chief saints of Bavaria, went on a long pilgrimage to 
Rome and the Holy Land. In the account of his life 
we have a few words on Lucca, on the Apennines (which 
he confuses with the Alps), on Naples, Messina, Syra- 
cuse, Mt. Aetna, etc. But his report is not even as full 
as that of Rutilius Namatianus. For the rest the Middle 
Ages do not seem to have produced any important 
traveller's description of Italy. 

The city of Rome does not fare very much better. 
Varro, the indefatigable, made rather comprehensive 
topographical studies for his Antiquities, and these 
are the source for many later writers. There are also 
some notices in Strabo, Pliny and other authors, which 
are based on the writers' own observations. Then 
there are extant fragments of a large Marble Plan of the 
city, originally made at the time of Vespasian and 
restored under Severus and Caracalla. One or two 
later documents, the Notitia and the Curiosum, go 
back to this plan. These give us the fourteen regions of 
Rome, the number of streets, houses, temples, baths, 
etc., in each, also the number of officers in charge of each 
district. Not one of these writings, however, is a real 

The first actual traveller's description of Rome is the 
Itinerarium Einsiedlense of the eighth century. It 
consists of eleven chapters, each describing a route in 
Rome, usually running from one gate through a part of 
the city to another gate. This itinerary gives, in three 
parallel columns, first the monuments one sees to the 
left of the road, then those over which or through which 
the road passes, then those to the right of the spectator. 
Thus (2.1): 

A Porta Sci. Petri usque ad Portam Salariam. 

First column: In Sinistra. Sci. Apollinaris; Sci. 
Laurentii in Lucina; oboliscum; Sci. Silvestri: ibi 
balneum; Sci. Felicis in Pincis. Second column: Per 
arcum; forma Virginis. Third column: In Dextra. 
Circus Flaminius: ibi Sea. Agnes: thermae Alexan- 
drianae et Sci. Eustachii: rotunda et thermae Com- 
modianae; columna Antonini; Sea. Susanna et aqua 
de forma Lateranense; Thermae Sallustianae et 

One can obtain from this description some idea of 
what Rome looked like at this time, but the demands 
on the imagination are very much greater than they are 
in the case of some of the other pilgrimages. 

It seems somewhat doubtful whether the so-called 
Mirabilia of Rome ought be classed as an Itinerary. 
The book is not, strictly speaking, a traveller's account, 
but, since it was evidently intended as a handbook for 
pilgrims, we may devote to it a moment or two. It 
names first the walls of the city, then the gates, the 
hills, the bridges, palaces, arches, temples, theaters, 
cemeteries, columns, places where martyrs died, etc. 



A number of legends is affixed to the topographical part 
of the work; they are extremely interesting but unfor- 
tunately too long for this paper. A few miraculous 
stories are also inserted in the main part of the book. 
One of them has the well-known motif of the man who 
is sick with leprosy and cannot be healed except by 
bathing in human blood. In the Mirabilia the story is 
told of the Emperor Constantine. The conventional 
love-story, however, is lacking. The patient is finally 
cured by St. Sylvester, then pope (Chapter 30). 

After the Mirabilia come several similar though less 
important medieval documents, lists of churches, of 
cemeteries, routes for papal processions, and so forth. 
For any one but a professional topographer they are 
dismal reading. 

We see thus that there is great variety in the Latin 
Itineraries: the mere tabulation of resting-places on a 
road and of the distances between them, the map-like 
Itinerarium Pictum, the Itinerary with short notices, 
the elaborate description of famous places; Itineraries 
in the prosiest of prose, and in verse, or even in poetry; 
some in good Latin, but most in bad; some dry and 
statistical, others full of the personality of the writer. 
Not one of them is of supreme value, but all of them 
give parts of that complex ancient civilization which 
each one of us is studying ; and for this reason if not for 
their intrinsic value they are worthy of some considera- 


The Seventy-first Annual Meeting of the New York 
State Teachers' Association and Affiliated Organiza- 
tions was held at Buffalo, Monday to Wednesday, 
November 27-29 last. On Tuesday morning, and after- 
noon, and on Wednesday morning, there were sessions 
of The Classical Section of the New York State Teach- 
ers' Association (The Classical Association of New York 
State), with the President, Dr. Mason D. Gray, of the 
East High School, Rochester, in the chair. These 
sessions, especially that held on Tuesday morning, were 
well attended. At various times, too, there was con- 
siderable discussion. 

«The following bibliography may be of service. For the Cup 
Itineraries see C. I. L. 2.3281-3284; J. H. Henzen, Rheinisches 
Museum 9 (1854). 20 ff.; R. Lanciani, Ancient Rome in the Light 
of Recent Discoveries. 46; E. W. E. Hubner, Exempla Scripturae 
Epigraphicae Latinae. No. 911 (Berlin, 1885); C. I. L. 7.1291. 

For the Jerusalem Itineraries, see T. Tobler, A. Molinier, Itinera 
Hierosolymitana, in Societe de l'Orient Latin. Serie Geographique 
(this contains also the medieval itineraries and those in other 
languages) ; Paulus Geyer, Itinera Hierosolymitana Saeculi IIII- 
VIII, in Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, 39 
(Prague, 1898); E. A. Bechtel. Sanctae Silviae Peregrinatio, in 
University of Chicago Studies in Classical Philology, 4 (1902); 
J. Hilberg, Epitaphium S. Paulae, in Hieronymi Epistulae, No. 
CVIII, in Corp. Scrip. Eccles. Lat., 54.2 (Vienna, 1912) ; id., Paulae 
et Eustochiae ad Marcellam, ibid.. No. XLVI, in volume 51.1. 

For the other Itineraries see M. E. Pinder, G. Parthey, Itine- 
rarium Antonini (Berlin, 1848); editions of the Tabula Peutinger- 
iana, by Konrad Muller (Ravensburg, 1888), and E. E. A. Des- 
jardins (Paris, 1868-1874); Tabula Peutingeriana Arte Photo- 
graphica Expressa (Vienna, 1888). 

H. Jordan, Romische Topographic 2.539 ff. (Berlin, 1871), con- 
tains the Notitia, Curiosum, Mirabilia, and Einsiedeln Itinerary. 
See also R. Lanciani, Itinerarium Einsiedlense, in Monumenti 
Antichi 1.437 ff. (1871); M. E. Pinder, G. Parthey, Mirabilia 
Urbis Romae (Berlin, 1869) ; and C. Muller, Geographi Graeci 
Minores (Paris, 1855). 

The programme was as follows: Salutatio <Latine 
expressa>, Dr. Robert T. Bapst, South Park High 
School, Buffalo, Responsiones <et ipsae Latine ex- 
pressae>, Professor George D. Kellogg, Union Univer- 
sity; The Teaching of Vergil in Secondary Schools, 
Professor Charles Knapp, Barnard College; Singing of 
Classical Songs; The Classical Reading League (see 
The Classical Weekly 9.223), Myrta E. Hunn, High 
School, Batavia; Report of the Committee on College 
Entrance Requirements, Mr. E. D. Bezant, West High 
School, Rochester (the Report dealt with the attitude 
of the Colleges in New York State toward Greek as a 
subject for admission to College); The Loeb Classical 
Library, Frank H. Coffran, Masten Park High School, 
Buffalo; Co-operation of the State Department in 
Furthering the Reading of Greek and Latin Authors in 
Translation, Arthur F. Gardner, High School, Troy; 
Demonstration Class in Sight Reading in Cicero, 
Professor W. Gear Spencer, Colgate University; The 
Proposed New Syllabus in Latin for the First Two 
Years, Mr. S. Dwight Arms, State Education Depart- 
ment; The Problem of Latin in the Small Village High 
Schools, Holmes T. Case, Principal of the High School 
at Skaneateles, and Frank M. Smith, Superintendent of 
Schools, Johnson City; Devices for the Study of 
Derivatives, Ambrose C. Richardson, of Buffalo. 
There was also an Exhibition of Classical Cartoons, 
prepared by Mrs. Harriet W. Kitts, High School, 
Schenectady. Professor Kellogg, Chairman of the 
Committee in charge of The Classical Reading League 
for the first year of its existence, gave a very interesting 
and encouraging statement concerning the number of 
teachers who had enrolled as members of the League, 
thereby binding themselves to read certain quantities 
of Latin or Greek or both weekly, and of the large 
number of separate courses which the members were 

The officers elected for 19 17 are: President, Pro- 
fessor John Ira Bennett, Union University; Vice- 
President, Jared W. Scudder, Albany Academy; 
Secretary-Treasurer, Mr. J. P. Behm, Central High 
School, Syracuse. C. K. 

University of 

Theodore A. Buenger. 


On November 24 last, in the Chapin Auditorium, the 
Latin Department of Mount Holyoke College pre- 
sented in the original the Phormio of Terence. 

After six weeks of strenuous instruction, during which 
Anglo-Saxons learned to gesture and descendants of 
Puritans grew willing to be ridiculous, our cast emerged 
with an enthusiastic appreciation of the humor of 
Terence and a feeling that Latin was after all delight- 
fully human. 

Our scenery was the production of ingenious students 
in the Art Department. 

The center door of our background we allowed to open 
freely, disclosing palms and ferns effectively grouped 
round a statue so as to give the impression of a court- 

Our costumes we made ourselves, or borrowed from 
the properties of previous Classical plays. 

Our chief expenses were therefore incurred in the 
printing of tickets and programmes and in the payment 
of the professional who 'made us up'. 

Our audience was most enthusiastic, appreciated all 
our extravagant gestures and all the abandon of our 
emotions, and departed, we trust, feeling, as we did, 
that Latin is a real, live language. 

Mi. Holyoke College. 

Margaret C. Waites.